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IN theory, Maori society was
divided into three classes. There was a group of chiefs and other
gentlemen of good birth who were the heads of the tribal group. Then
there was a class of commoners. The lowest class was made up of slaves.
There were three classes in theory. But in fact,
just because all the people of the
tribe were related by blood to each other, it was sometimes
difficult to know where the gentleman class left off and the commoner
class began. But there are words for each of these three classes in the
Maori language, so we must suppose them to have existed as a social
fiction if in no other way.
The chief was the first-born
of a family of rank. Maori society laid great stress on primogeniture in
the inheritance of power and position. A firstborn son was only passed
over if he had shown himself definitely unworthy to lead his tribe in
peace or war.
The basis of Maori society, as
of every other society we know, was
the family group. This consisted of a man and his wife and his
children, married or unmarried. It
was a larger family group than we are accustomed to, but it was a
strongly unified group of blood
relatives. Some of its strength came from the fact that its
members addressed each other with kinship terms which
stressed this unity. Thus in such a
group one called the many men of his father’s generation, ‘
father,’ though he knew quite well who was his father. Similarly the men
called all the children by the
term for son or daughter, as the case might be. This again meant
that everyone looked upon everyone else in the tribe as somehow or other
related to him. And he would call upon these other people for help in
the tasks of peace as well as in the duties of wartime—and help was
never denied him.
What made Maori society a
going concern was really the power of public opinion, the mana
and influence of the chiefs and the working of certain beliefs and
customs such as tapu and muru. Tapu was a sort of
prohibition which told the Maori what he could and what he could not do.
It was supported by supernatural power so that a person who broke a
tapu was punished by sickness or death or else by the loss of the
protection of the gods. Thus it was necessary to call in a priest to
deal with these matters because he
was the person in the tribe with the necessary powers to control
supernatural forces.
Muru,
on the other hand, was a sort of licensed plundering
of other people’s property. It was
allowed if one of the group had incapacitated himself
by accident, for instance, or broken the customs of marriage. In
this sense, the individual was
regarded only as a part of the group, and if his conduct had in
any way upset the group, then it
was lawful for the group to punish him by plundering
his property. A Maori who knew that his faults or his evil-doings
would be punished by muru,
or by the supernaturals, or by the dislike and ridicule
of his friends, was slow to do wrong. Although
the Maori had no courts of law nor
any policemen, he was a very social and custom-abiding person.

The inside of a Hippah, was drawn by J. Webber on
Cook's third voyage. It is an interesting as the first picture of it's
kind, showing an inside veiw of what a Maori fortified village (hippah
as Cook spelt the word pa) looked like in Cook's day.
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Tawhaio, a Maori cheif. G.
Lindauer painted this picture, and it gives a good example of the
dignity of the Maori cheif. Note: the huia feathers in his hair, his
greenstone ear pendant, and his whalebone club.

Earle shows a cheif making a war
speech to his warriors. Typical of Maori oritory is the way of the
speaker moves to and fro, using a weapon or staff to emphasise the
main points of his argument.

The interior of a pa, on the
Wanganui River, from W. Tyrone Power's 'Sketches in New Zealand with
pen and pencil' (1849). This picture shows the stockade, sleeping and
food houses - and the enevitable pigs.
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