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ALTHOUGH it appeared to be at the expense of the
squatters, the solution of the land problem was really to the advantage of
the whole community. More intensive farming kept up land values. With land
readily available, more immigrants were attracted. In their attack on land
monopoly Seddon, McKenzie, and Pember
Reeves pointed out that in 1891 a total of 584 owners held seven
million acres freehold and half that amount of leasehold, including most of
the best land in the country.
The Progressive party began its attack with a
land tax graduated according to the size of the
holding. But the problem did not end
here.' Prices would not rise until a good proportion of the land was
cut up and settled. The owners could not afford to cut it up till prices
rose.' To bridge this gap the Government brought in compulsory purchase. By
1902 it had bought more than 400,000 acres, on which it placed some 2,000
settlers. Moreover, by 1914 the State's
purchases amounted to 1,627,320 acres, on which were settled 5,529
selectors. The late owners usually kept
their homesteads and several
thousand acres, while the Government refused to allot more than
3,000 acres to any individual selector.
Land monopoly could have done
the squatters little good in the long run. Now they were freed from
the embarrassment of unwieldy properties that could not be efficiently
worked as sheep runs.
Today few stations extend
to more than 50,000 acres, and these are
of poor mountain land that could
hardly form smaller economic units. The traditional squatter, now nearly
extinct, has been replaced by a far larger class of farmers whose wealth
lies in the value rather than in the size of their holdings. The squatter
had played his part, with some dignity and merit, in the development of his
country. He had been enterprising and dogged in difficulties. He had
contributed something of his own to the social life of the country. He had
given his leisure to public duty, and his own personal affairs had made him
lead a virile, practical life out of
doors. He had won his position
by using his wits as well as his money. And though he drew many ideas
from the English aristocratic tradition, he based his claim to something
like privilege on work rather than on
passive ownership. |
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A lorry solves the problem of
transporting heavy wool bales in many back-block districts in the North
Island.

A wool wagon, Cheviot, where the
first large holding was divided by the State and re-sold for closer
settlement.
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